good governance?

I currently live in a country that has amassed almost 14 trillion dollars in debt. But what troubles me the most is that, against this background of debt, the wealthiest 1% of the population controls 17 trillion dollars of wealth. In other words, we don’t have a debt crisis. We have a concentration-of-wealth crisis.

Political scientists Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson provide valuable insights into this crisis in their new book “Winner-Take-All Politics.” The primary problem, Hacker and Pierson demonstrate, is the corrupting influence of money within the American political system, which has resulted in decades of public policies – advanced by both parties – that favor the ongoing concentration of wealth within the most affluent segments of the population.

Of course, in a system of governance defined by interest-group competition, it should be no surprise that the most affluent and powerful interest groups will prevail. Simply put: political contests are expensive, so those with the most wealth exert a disproportionate influence on the outcomes of such contests. Why, then, does the majority of the population, which clearly does not benefit from this arrangement, continue to consent to this contest model of governance? Why have so many people bought into the myth of competitive democracy?

Winston Churchill once stated that “democracy is the worst form of government – except for all the other forms that have been tried.” This statement most accurately describes competitive democracy, because this is the only form of democracy that has been tried. Apologists defend competitive democracy with the argument that it is the most rational alternative to political tyranny or anarchy. Thus the problems inherent in political contests are accepted as “necessary evils.” All systems of government are imperfect, the argument goes, and competitive democracy is the best we can do.

I beg to differ.

It’s time to move beyond the culture of contest. It’s time to get down to the hard work of reinventing democratic governance. It’s time to engage in a systematic process of social learning and innovation that will lead us toward a more just and sustainable social order. Toward this end, the Institute for Studies in Global Prosperity recently drafted a working paper titled “Reflections on Governance.” The purpose of this thought-provoking paper is to invite reflection, dialog, and learning about the challenges of good governance.

I say let the learning begin.

9 Comments»

  T_ wrote @

Let it begin indeed!!
What a great post…

Thanks a lot for sharing these toughts.

  Justice St Rain wrote @

I am curious as to what you think a non-competitive democracy might look like. I would like to say that the Baha’i Community is a good example, but I don’t think we’ve done as good a job as we should, and when we scale it up, even more problems will emerge.
There are other options – weighted voting, for example, where voters rank the choices in order of preference instead of “for” or “against.”

  Michael wrote @

Justice, the main point of my post was that we need to commit to active and intentional processes of learning and innovation regarding good governance. There is abundant and mounting evidence that organizing governance as a contest for power does not lead to just and sustainable governance. But there are no simple alternative formulas. The Baha’i model contains many elements that suggest viable alternatives to the contest of power model, but the Baha’i model is still evolving through an organic process of systematic learning, and all we can see at the moment are its broadest outlines. What is important, in my mind, is that people everywhere begin to question the underlying assumptions of competitive democracy, begin to ask the critical questions that can frame a process of learning and innovation about good governance, and commit to that path of learning so that, over time, we can construct more enlightened models of governance that are suited to the age of global interdependence we are entering into. The costs and consequences of failing to do this will continue to mount. The question is whether we begin to move down this path in a conscious manner, with a sense of urgency — or whether we adapt only in a reactive manner after each mounting crises forces us to.

  kamran wrote @

hi, I enjoy your post and agree. Timothy Noah actually did a series about income inequality for slate, which you might check out:http://www.slate.com/id/2266025/entry/2266026

But concerning your statistic that the wealthiest people’s income increased by 500% immediately following the recent economic crash, the nyt later made a correction on that statistic which states that their income actually declined by 7.7%:

“Correction: November 4, 2010 A previous version of this column incorrectly described the situation of the small group of Americans earning $50 million or more annually. Their incomes declined by 7.7 percent between 2008 and 2009; they did not quintuple. The incorrect information came from a report based on flawed Social Security Administration data. An inspector general is investigating after two individuals filed false W-2 forms that led to the skewed data.”

  Michael wrote @

Kamran, thanks for the catching the NYTs correction on the data. With that noted, there is still no question that income disparity in the US has been increasing steadily for decades, as I’m sure you would acknowledge. There is abundant evidence supporting this conclusion that has published in countless sources, such as the UN’s Gini index as well as recent US census data.

  Leila wrote @

Have you read the article Fareed Zakaria wrote a few years ago in Foreign Affairs? It’s called “The Future of American Power.” Throughout the piece, he writes about whether the U.S. will have the same fate as other past superpowers, given its current gloomy state (i.e. meet an eventual end of superpower status). At the very end of the article, he chalks up America’s current woes to its partisan political system. The only solution he offers is a stronger spirit of bipartisanship among lawmakers, which is dying a slow and painful death anyway. But the fact that he brought it up is interesting nonetheless.

  Michael wrote @

Yes, Zakaria is quite a good analyst whom I respect a lot. He certainly gets at many nuances of international affairs that most popular commentators fail to acknowledge. Unfortunately, his prescription for a spirit of bipartisanship falls a bit short. What we need is a spirit of non-partisanship, exercised within post-partisan institutional structures. But that’s a long term project…

  T_ wrote @

It might be a “long term project” if you consider its “full” application at multiple levels. However, the Baha’i community is not necessarily the only one who can experiment with “post-partisan institutional structures” (I like the sound of it, but it’s a tad long…). I believe the learning process you are referring to is an open invitation to any form of organization that might want to try something “different”.

One of the questions then might be, how can it be best presented/shared widely, without scarifying its spirit and principles but allowing a diverse range of people to “give a try” to alternative “post-partisan institutional structures”, learn from it and, in turn, share their learning about it.

  Michael wrote @

I certainly agree with your comments. And I would add that diverse people and groups are already experimenting with many elements of post-partisan governance. To date, most of this has been at the level of organizational governance, movement governance, and so forth, but very little has been attempted yet at the level of state governance. Although even at the state level, some interesting partial experiments have been tried, such as the initial period of democratic reconstruction in Uganda, which was established as an explicitly non-partisan democratic experiment. Unfortunately, the elections were still set up as contests and so, over time, they inevitably degenerated into a partisan structure and the original organizing principles were abandoned — not because the principles were flawed but because parties are powerful instruments for fighting and winning electoral contests. So the lesson in this case was that the problem is not merely partisanship, but electoral competition itself — which invites partisanship and corruption. I would love to see some graduate student study the Uganda experience more closely to document these valuable lessons. And in the same way, we need to look everywhere for insight and learning, and collaborate with all interested people, in the search for more just and sustainable models of governance.


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